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The Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 1870s to 1920

(a) Explain why some leading businessmen of the late nineteenth century were known as robber barons.

(b) How successful were attempts to limit the power of party bosses in this period?

23:T2343,{ "questionId": "331897", "parts": [ { "partId": "a", "markschemeText": "Explain why some leading businessmen of the late nineteenth century were known as robber barons.\n\nIndicative content\n\nWell known industrialists of the era who were called robber barons included Andrew Carnegie [steel], Jay Gould [railroads], J P Morgan [finance], J D Rockefeller [oil] and Cornelius Vanderbilt [railroads], though there were others. They were commonly known as robber barons because:\n• There was a belief that they had gained their great wealth and power by using methods which were illegal or immoral, e.g. bribery, share dealings and manipulation, and were unjust\n• The belief that these men and their methods were a major cause of the growing inequalities of the Gilded Age, as they exploited the efforts of the workers i.e. they were akin to the feudal overlords of the past in the way that they treated and controlled ordinary workers\n• The power of the image of robber barons was used by those keen to criticise the very wealthy few, e.g. by liberal journalists and progressive reformers\n\nAccept any other valid responses.", "totalMarks": 10, "answerPoints": [ { "type": "", "point": "\n \n

Indicative content

Well known industrialists of the era who were called robber barons included Andrew Carnegie [steel], Jay Gould [railroads], J P Morgan [finance], J D Rockefeller [oil] and Cornelius Vanderbilt [railroads], though there were others. They were commonly known as robber barons because:

There was a belief that they had gained their great wealth and power by using methods which were illegal or immoral, e.g. bribery, share dealings and manipulation, and were unjust
The belief that these men and their methods were a major cause of the growing inequalities of the Gilded Age, as they exploited the efforts of the workers i.e. they were akin to the feudal overlords of the past in the way that they treated and controlled ordinary workers
The power of the image of robber barons was used by those keen to criticise the very wealthy few, e.g. by liberal journalists and progressive reformers

Accept any other valid responses.

\n ", "marks": 10, "guideline": "Accept any other valid responses." } ] }, { "partId": "b", "markschemeText": "How successful were attempts to limit the power of party bosses in this period?\n\nIndicative content\n\nBy 1890 virtually every sizable city had a political boss or was in the process of developing one. The most notorious political boss of the age was Boss Tweed of New York's Tammany Hall. For twelve years, Tweed ruled New York. He gave generously to the poor and authorised the handouts of Christmas turkeys and winter coal to prospective supporters. In the process he fleeced the public out of millions of taxpayers’ money, which went into the coffers of Tweed and his associates. They were difficult to deal with as they retained the support of the poor people who vastly outnumbered the rest.\n\nPossible discussion around limiting the power of Party Bosses:\n• Party bosses were not completely unaccountable as was seen with Tweed above who went to jail for his actions and the foundation of a professional civil service in the late 19th century went some way to improving corruption in some cities. One example of progressive reform was the rise of the city manager system, in which paid, professional engineers ran the day-to-day affairs of city governments under guidelines established by elected city councils\n• Progressives repeatedly warned that illegal voting was corrupting the political system. It especially identified big-city bosses, working with saloon keepers and precinct workers, as the culprits in stuffing the ballot box. The solution to purifying the vote included prohibition, voter registration requirements and literacy tests\n• Progressive journalists and politicians often started their careers by campaigning against party bosses and this did go some way to limiting their power. In the North, Progressives argued that the average citizen should have more control over his government. The Oregon System of ‘Initiative, Referendum, and Recall’ was exported to many states\n\nPossible discussion around lack of success:\n• It was difficult to unpick the system – To the urban poor the boss ran a kind of welfare state. For example, he helped the unemployed find jobs and he provided free coal and baskets of food to tide a widow over an emergency. Bosses often began as saloonkeepers, because the saloon was a natural meeting place in poorer neighbourhoods in the days before Prohibition. To maintain power, a boss had to keep his constituents happy. Most political bosses appealed to the newest, most desperate part of the growing population, the immigrants. Individuals who were leaders in local neighbourhoods were sometimes rewarded city jobs in return for the loyalty of their constituents\n• It is clear that the model of machine politics survived in many cities into the twentieth century, despite efforts, local and national, to limit the negative aspects of the spoils system, i.e. ‘jobs – and contracts – for the boys’. Specifically, Tammany Hall remained a power in the life of New York City way beyond the years of Boss tweed’s dominance. This shows that it was difficult for reformers to make any real change\n\nAccept any other valid responses.", "totalMarks": 20, "answerPoints": [ { "type": "", "point": "\n \n

Indicative content

By 1890 virtually every sizable city had a political boss or was in the process of developing one. The most notorious political boss of the age was Boss Tweed of New York's Tammany Hall. For twelve years, Tweed ruled New York. He gave generously to the poor and authorised the handouts of Christmas turkeys and winter coal to prospective supporters. In the process he fleeced the public out of millions of taxpayers’ money, which went into the coffers of Tweed and his associates. They were difficult to deal with as they retained the support of the poor people who vastly outnumbered the rest.

Possible discussion around limiting the power of Party Bosses:

Party bosses were not completely unaccountable as was seen with Tweed above who went to jail for his actions and the foundation of a professional civil service in the late 19th century went some way to improving corruption in some cities. One example of progressive reform was the rise of the city manager system, in which paid, professional engineers ran the day-to-day affairs of city governments under guidelines established by elected city councils
Progressives repeatedly warned that illegal voting was corrupting the political system. It especially identified big-city bosses, working with saloon keepers and precinct workers, as the culprits in stuffing the ballot box. The solution to purifying the vote included prohibition, voter registration requirements and literacy tests
Progressive journalists and politicians often started their careers by campaigning against party bosses and this did go some way to limiting their power. In the North, Progressives argued that the average citizen should have more control over his government. The Oregon System of ‘Initiative, Referendum, and Recall’ was exported to many states

Possible discussion around lack of success:

It was difficult to unpick the system – To the urban poor the boss ran a kind of welfare state. For example, he helped the unemployed find jobs and he provided free coal and baskets of food to tide a widow over an emergency. Bosses often began as saloonkeepers, because the saloon was a natural meeting place in poorer neighbourhoods in the days before Prohibition. To maintain power, a boss had to keep his constituents happy. Most political bosses appealed to the newest, most desperate part of the growing population, the immigrants. Individuals who were leaders in local neighbourhoods were sometimes rewarded city jobs in return for the loyalty of their constituents
It is clear that the model of machine politics survived in many cities into the twentieth century, despite efforts, local and national, to limit the negative aspects of the spoils system, i.e. ‘jobs – and contracts – for the boys’. Specifically, Tammany Hall remained a power in the life of New York City way beyond the years of Boss tweed’s dominance. This shows that it was difficult for reformers to make any real change

Accept any other valid responses.

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