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In the context of a move to the right with Reagan and pressure from a politically ambitious, well-funded and vocal ‘silent majority’ gender equality came to be part of wider divisions in US society. There could be a debate about whether contention arose from the sense of change being too rapid, whether it came from divisions among women or was a result of contextual factors such as the resurgence of conservatism.\n\nThe failure of the ERA was followed in the 1980s by a gradual decline in organized, activity by masses of women in the United States. Moreover, there was a growing national sense that the core goals of the women’s rights movement had been achieved. NOW continued to work for women’s rights—to defend abortion and laws, to promote full equality in the military, and to secure greater federal funding for childcare and for programs to prevent violence against women. 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Responses might consider conservative opposition to the progress made and to continuing agitation for gender equality and also divisions within supporters of change. In the context of a move to the right with Reagan and pressure from a politically ambitious, well-funded and vocal ‘silent majority’ gender equality came to be part of wider divisions in US society. There could be a debate about whether contention arose from the sense of change being too rapid, whether it came from divisions among women or was a result of contextual factors such as the resurgence of conservatism.

The failure of the ERA was followed in the 1980s by a gradual decline in organized, activity by masses of women in the United States. Moreover, there was a growing national sense that the core goals of the women’s rights movement had been achieved. NOW continued to work for women’s rights—to defend abortion and laws, to promote full equality in the military, and to secure greater federal funding for childcare and for programs to prevent violence against women. But despite NOW’s growth, both in budget and in membership, its activism became fragmented and fraught with dissension. Feminists argued among themselves and against their colleagues over such questions as whether male professors involved in relationships with female students were guilty of sexual harassment. They also debated the validity of women’s studies as an academic major. The role of women in the military became a point of contention and many protested that mothers in the military should not be sent off to war.

A movement that was once defined by its radicalism had become more conservative. The divide over abortion continued to alienate many women, such as the Feminists for Life, disagreed with the mainstream movement’s position on abortion. The abortion issue generally was a major cause of division. Eventually, a backlash cast doubt on many of the social and economic achievements fostered by the women’s rights movement. Faced with increasing numbers of single mothers and older divorced women living in poverty many Americans began to wonder whether no-fault divorce and the end of most alimony had, in fact, served women’s best interests.

With a growing number of young children spending their early years in institutional day care, debates erupted over whether women were abdicating their maternal responsibilities and whether federal policies that gave tax breaks to working mothers were encouraging a further deterioration of the family unit. Feminists were further targeted as the primary culprits behind the many by-products of the sexual revolution, from the increased rate of teen pregnancy to the spread of AIDS.

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